What is the significance of the coleman report




















Secretary of Education John King, speaking at the Hopkins event, echoed aspects of this theme and called for a commitment to using evidence and a multi-pronged strategy for improving student outcomes. The Coleman Report did note that schools were heavily segregated but found that poor students seemed to do better when attending classes with less disadvantaged peers.

Source: The Coleman Report. Indeed, the bleak picture of inequality in educational outcomes that Coleman identified remains an enduring part of American life. Stanford economist Eric Hanushek has pointed out that outside the South, achievement gaps in 12th grade are only marginally lower than they were in Source: Education Next. The good news is that students of all races have generally made meaningful progress on fourth- and eighth-grade national exams, though achievement has been fairly stagnant among high school students.

And schools have become more and more segregated by socioeconomic status. An evolving understanding of the importance of teachers and money. Fifty years later, research techniques have advanced and new studies have accumulated. But the Coleman Report stands the test of time in several regards. What's more, Coleman was the first to document what came to be known as the achievement gap—African-American children were several grade levels behind their white counterparts in school.

As McPartland recalls, "I think it was Christopher Jencks writing for The New Republic who said: 'This reads like an obscure agriculture department report, but there's dynamite in the results. The EEO, quickly dubbed the Coleman Report, exploded into one of the most contentious and talked about studies of education in America, one that 50 years on is still being parsed by academics, policymakers, and educators alike. Will wrote in The Washington Post about the report's 50th anniversary in July of Born in Bedford, Indiana, in , Coleman didn't set out to be a sociologist.

He first studied chemical engineering at Purdue University. But he started taking evening classes in social psychology while working as a chemist. He switched focus and went back to school to study social sciences, earning a PhD in sociology from Columbia University in When he arrived at Johns Hopkins four years later, Coleman founded what would become the university's first sociology department, though back then it was called Social Relations.

Coleman concerned himself with a broad range of inquiry—theory, research, modeling, methodology, and policy research. Coleman believed that the social sciences could both demonstrate and influence how society organized itself. Something of Coleman's chemical engineering mind informed his work.

Sociology was still a burgeoning field when Coleman joined its ranks. Officially coined as such in , "sociology" wouldn't be formalized within institutions of higher learning until the late s. It had its roots in philosophy and social theory, and the application of quantitative and qualitative methods capable of analyzing complex data was still nascent in the s. Coleman earned a reputation for applying scientific method to social problems and attracted a group of rigorous students in the s.

Among them was McPartland, who had earned a master's degree in statistics. He found a mentor in Coleman. Coleman used this scientific approach in service of brave questions. With the EEO, his team wouldn't simply study schools, it would study what was happening to the students inside those schools. Drafting the questionnaires, they effectively created the first national assessment test to determine how children were faring and what might be contributing to their performance.

They asked such questions as how students felt about their performance and what they believed influenced their success. The report also studied teachers, who took self-administered tests as a part of the survey in order to determine their baseline knowledge and what they brought to the classroom. Getting the questionnaires distributed throughout the country was no small feat. No one knew how to handle , questionnaires," McPartland says.

Less than a month before the survey had to be out in the field, however, not one school had responded to the invitation to participate. McPartland, desperate for administrators to respond, went to the Princeton Western Union office and sent an urgent note to impel schools around the country to reply: 'This is an act of Congress, please call ETS this week.

Coleman didn't know about the response problem when McPartland picked him up from the Newark airport. Finally he said, 'This phone thing better work. Schools began signing up. Once the surveys were in, McPartland kept them close and carried sample sets of the study around in boxes.

One evening, after a particularly grueling week, McPartland and a colleague took the train back from a meeting in D. After food and a martini or two, they walked back to their railcar to discover it gone. Unbeknownst to them, it had split off to go to another city, with the box of survey samples still inside. Coleman spent the better part of the night hunting the boxes down. Coleman needed to rank the results for the government and provide an answer as to the foremost challenges facing education.

Was it school facilities, funding, teacher quality, social networks? Was it segregation or geography or curriculum? The question was how to weight myriad variables, considering they were all tangled up with one another.

Regression analysis [statistical modeling to estimate the relationships between variables] wasn't new, but this whole way of figuring out and ranking the importance of variables—that are not only related to the outcome but are also related to one another—how do you do that?

Coleman invented the technology and methodology as he went, McPartland says. One of the foremost things Coleman succeeded in doing with the EEO was using scientific evidence to parse whether existing education policies were working. Hanushek, an economist at Stanford University who specializes in the economics of education. As it turned out, the government had been right about segregation still existing but wrong about the funding implications.

Regional resources between black and white schools were, by and large, even. But the research led the team to conclude that the most important predictor of a child's performance in school wasn't the school building or resources.

It was home life. It was family. Coleman explained it this way in "All factors considered, the most important variable—in or out of school—in a child's performance remains his family's education background. The other important revelation in the report was the pivotal importance of the social and economic composition of the student body. Other kids strongly influenced a child's achievement.

The report also illuminated what would later become known as the achievement gap. The survey results found that while resources may be relatively equal within regions, educational outcomes were not.

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